Things That Matter Most . . .
Restoration Review · 1967
(Volumes 9)
PREFACE
A
young politician once approached Prime Minister Stanley Baldwin, a
veteran in politics, asking him for any advice he might have for one
who desired to be a statesman. Mr. Baldwin passed along three rules
that it would be well for the young man to follow: First, if you are
a subscriber to a press-cutting agency, cancel your subscription at
once. Second, never laugh at your opponents’ mistakes. Third,
steel yourself to the attribution of false motives.
This
impresses us as good advice for an editor as well as a statesman. The
first rule, we suppose, refers to the politician’s concern for
public opinion, and to his efforts to find out what people are
thinking, so that he may always preserve his public image.
An
editor, especially the editor of a
religious
publication,
must of course be a student of what people are thinking, but he must
always be critical of that thinking. He must be aware when people are
not
thinking
or when they refuse to think. Above all, he must not allow their
opinion of him to distort his vision. He must not ask himself
What
will they think of me if I publish this?,
but rather Is
it true?
and
If
it is true, is it important?
As
a leader in religious thought he is justified in publishing an
opinion even if it may
be
true.
Responsible
journalists must accept Baldwin’s second rule as appropriate
for them also, for no purpose is served by ridicule or innuendo. As
Christians we might laugh
with
each
other, but never at
each
other.
The
third rule is also appropriate for editors, especially editors of
religious journals that dare to challenge the
status
quo.
It
must be true that some editors, like some politicians, have ulterior
motives; but surely it is not true of us all. We may not go so far as
Immanuel Kant and insist that a pure motive is the
only
intrinsic
good, but we will agree that it is a high virtue, and that it is most
praiseworthy in editors as well as politicians.
But
the charge of a false motive remains unanswerable. There is no way
for one to prove that he is honorably motivated, especially to those
who believe that if a man starts a publication he is up to something.
Either he is out for money, a rather illogical charge in view of the
cost of publication, or he is out for self-aggrandizement, or
something. This is especially true of the editor that may change his
mind about some things through the years. This is made to mean that
since one scheme failed to bring the desired fame and riches, then
another is tried. It is virtuous for an editor to say the same old
thing the same old way all through the years. This is
soundness,
and
of course his motives are always Simon pure.
So
the editor that dares to
think
and
to grow
and
to change,
and
to encourage his readers to do so, will do well to listen to Prime
Minister Baldwin: Steel
yourself to the attribution of false motives.
This
is the fifteenth volume that we have presented to the public, though
only the second to be issued in book form. We like to think of
ourselves as entering each year into what Oliver Wendell Holmes
called the “free trade in ideas.” As Justice Holmes put
it: “The ultimate good desired is better reached by free trade
in ideas . . . the best test of truth is the power of the thought to
get itself accepted in the competition of the market.”
A
free trade in ideas is all that we have the right to ask. This
journal has no sectarian support, nor does it want such. It is not
sustained by any denominational loyalties. It lives only because of
its power of survival in the competition of the market. When it stops
saying things of relative importance, or when it has served its
purpose on the market, it will die, and it should die and receive an
honorable burial. Journals that are preserved decade after decade,
not because of their competitive strength in the market of ideas, but
because of their institutional ties and party loyalties, will not
have to suffer death pangs, for they were never really alive to begin
with. They are not read so much for their ideas as for the sake of
the party line, and it is the party that sustains them.